It is currently difficult to get hold of reliable information regarding the situation in Ethiopia’s Tigray region. For the past 20 months fighting between the Ethiopian federal government and Tigray’s regional forces has caught civilians in crossfire and sparked further military confrontation in neighboring Amhara and Oromia. Overall, the humanitarian crisis has left about 5 million people cut off from communications and with minimal access to food for almost 2 years. It raises major concern if even Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, a senior political figure from Tigray and director of the World Health Organization has been unable to send money to his family in the past months. Meanwhile in Europe, politicians and citizens were quickly concerned about Russia’s aggression towards Ukraine but are now rather occupied with their own cost of living crisis closely linked to the Ukraine war, the pandemic and climate change.

Echoing observations in blogs, commentaries and social media posts, solidarity must depart from hurriedly waving flags as soon news of crisis reach us and people suffer. This reflex is a demonstration of disposable solidarity that has also seeped into public discussion of the Ukraine crisis. Similarly, Tigray’s situation had briefly captured news headlines in late 2020 but was not able to keep momentum for long. Departing from a tentatively hopeful humanitarian truce from March 2022, Ethiopian federal forces recently started to bombard Tigray’s regional capital of Mekelle as of September 2022. Millions of people in Ethiopia continue to be cut off from communication access and are in dire need of food aid. Contrary to Ukraine’s situation where public attention and political de-escalation efforts were initially quickly mobilized, the Tigrayan crisis has remained in relative darkness with little hope for de-escalation at the negotiation table. Yet, even declining media coverage and public fatigue regarding Ukraine are a poignant illustrations of how quickly attention fades if it only remains nurtured by initial horror instead of deeper-rooted international solidarity.

Surely, rising cost of living and repercussions for Western economies are relevant for millions of Europeans at the moment, yet it is crucial to maintain perspective in light of crises and conflicts outside of Europe’s immediate gaze. Unfortunately, the story of an imperalist leader invading territory and inflicting harm on civilians to restore a mythical community sounds quite suitable for both the Ukraine war and the Tigray crisis. Non-Western imperialism is on the rise globally and it has become more important than ever to call out this concerning development.

Consequently, historical junctures as with the Ukraine war can be seized as opportunities to draw parallels and forge synergies against neo-imperialism and for internationalism in solidarity. Internationalism in solidarity must surely account for the tremendous danger of nuclear and economic escalation with grave consequences for the entire globe if Russia chooses this route in its aggression against Ukraine. Nonetheless, internationalism in solidarity must also be able to see commonalities in human hardship and abolish the idea of a marginal periphery in international politics. So this very moment can be leveraged as historical juncture inviting us to ask where our solidarity ends. I would like to believe that it is unfaltering and universal.

CISS is looking to revisit existing African narratives. As a young think tank, we want to open a dialogue between young voices to envision future perspectives. Your submission should deal with under-explored topics, reflect on existing debates and propose new paths. Analyses (ca. 1,500 words) and opinion pieces (ca. 500 words) on current affairs should engage critically with narratives on Africa.

Send us your article that can explore politics and society but can also draw on economic questions or international law. There are no limits regarding the focus of your work – as long as it centers around the above-mentioned theme. After a peer-reviewing process with CISS’s regional division (can take up to 6-8 weeks), a series of successful articles will be published on CISS’s website. In addition, Revisiting African Narratives will be part of a broader CISS project with online events and further content over the course of 2021.

Please see the guidelines attached for further information. Article submissions are accepted on a rolling basis until June 1, 2021. Send your submission (English or German) in Microsoft Word Format to CISS’s Regional Director for Sub-Saharan Africa Gelila Enbaye, at gelila.enbaye@ciss.eu.

How can vulnerable populations in conflict be protected? How can we classify military conscripts sent to war by an unaccountable leader? The special position of Eritreans in Ethiopia’s Tigray conflict forces us to reflect about these questions and demonstrates the complexity of contemporary conflicts. February 4, 2021 marked three months of conflict between Ethiopia’s federal government under prime minister Abiy Ahmed and the Tigray regional government. According to UN estimates, about 2.3 million people in Tigray are currently in need for immediate humanitarian assistance, including Eritrean refugees living in camps along the border to Ethiopia. In addition, it is estimated that around 20,000 Eritrean refugees are missing after two refugee camps in Tigray were attacked by Ethiopian federal troops.

Although Ethiopia’s prime minister Abiy declared the confrontation’s final offensive last year, the drastic consequences of this crisis continue to be borne by the Tigray civilian population and Eritrean refugees. Furthermore, the initial intra-state confrontation has developed into a regional tinder box with Eritrean and alleged Somali involvement on Ethiopia’s side. This situation also draws attention to long-term human security in conflict zones and the accountability of governments in war. In Tigray, the Hitsats massacre killing 300 Eritrean refugees in November 2020 demonstrated how refugees are particularly at risk in conflict situations. Having already endured the long trek to neighboring Ethiopia and possessing no social safety net, refugees are particularly vulnerable to violence from all conflict parties. In addition, the Tigray conflict is likely to introduce new and aggravate existing hostilities due to the intensity and brutality employed by the warring parties. However, this crisis also draws attention to Eritrea’s special position in this conflict. Eritrea’s military apparatus is sustained by national conscripts which forcibly recruits Eritreans and retains many conscripts for life. Part of these conscripts is currently deployed to fight alongside Ethiopian forces and is involved in severe war crimes. Their deployment has been compared to that during the 2001 Ethiopian-Eritrean border war when Eritrea claimed 19,000 casualties. In both contexts, conscripts were not able to make informed decisions or rely on accountable leadership. Moreover, Eritreans inside Eritrea have been isolated for years and lack support by their government that continues to blockade its own citizens. With the government’s involvement in the Tigray conflict, their humanitarian situation remains critical.

The situation of Eritreans in the Tigray conflict exemplifies how all Eritreans – refugees in Ethiopia, Eritrean civilians and conscripts – lack an advocate that amplifies their hardship. While the Tigray population is also suffering from starvation, it can find a political advocate in the Tigray regional government. In contrast, Eritrean refugees are caught in military action outside of their own control while Eritrean conscripts are led into war by an unaccountable leader.

So how can protection for the most vulnerable – the civilian population in Tigray and Eritreans – be ensured? In the short-term, Ethiopia’s international partners including international organizations and governments must call out Tigray’s current situation as a serious conflict that is drawing in neighboring countries and threatens regional stability. As more parties become involved, international or regional external mediation becomes imperative to enable a ceasefire. As a consequence, international aid should be immediately allowed to reach Tigray region that is currently blocked by the Ethiopian federal government. In the long-term, it must be emphasized that Eritrean hardship did not emerge with the Tigray conflict and is not likely to be alleviated without a sustainable solution. Holistic political reform in Eritrea is thus the only way to exit Eritrea’s refugee crisis and to mitigate further destabilization. But no matter the demands made or policies implemented, Eritreans should not become collateral damage in the Tigray conflict.